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Knife Panic

Overview: Right-wing and conservative actors strategically deploy the idea of "knife crime" to criminalize racialized communities and justify widespread policing and punishment. Media and political narratives draw on this idea to link migration to rising violent crime, despite a lack of evidence, fueling a moral panic to legitimize tough approaches to crime as well as migration. Law enforcement reinforces this narrative by defining knife crime as a broad category, one that aligns more with political rhetoric than a specific offense. Their application of this label is also inconsistent, creating misleading data of crime trends that fuel racial profiling and justify aggressive policing. In court, the reality of criminal cases involving knives provides a sharp contrast to media portrayals, which often exaggerate their severity to fit racist narratives. Criminal courts disproportionately sentence people for knife possession, failing to take into account people’s realities, including that those experiencing poverty or houselessness may carry a knife for legitimate reasons. Meanwhile, racialized victims of violence cannot expect justice from the courts. They are likely to be suspected of wrongdoing and blamed, rather than receiving meaningful support from the criminal system. In these ways, the punishment system plays a key role in manufacturing a "knife crime" panic.

Over the last years, German media and politicians have increasingly advanced narratives connecting migrants and rising violent crime. One narrative in particular, that of migrants being responsible for a wave of knife crime, has recently gained traction, partly in response to the tragic events in Solingen (2024) and Aschaffenburg (2025). These individual acts of violence have fueled a moral panic around knife crime, weaponized to justify increasingly stricter migration policy for immigrants at-large. But “knife crime” is not a well-defined category, and contrary to what reporting on such cases suggests, violent crime in Germany remains low. Indeed, a closer look at criminal court cases involving knives reveals cases far away from the media image of violent attackers.

As advanced by its propagators, the knife crime narrative suggests that there is a new and increasingly violent form of crime that is driven by an increase in migration. Knives have become a symbol of so-called “migrant crime”, not least through a decade-long effort by right-wing actors to establish the link between migrants and violent knife attacks.1 By depicting migrants as violent criminals and underscoring an alleged cultural difference, these narratives are designed to stoke racist public outrage. The aim is to pit “law-abiding German citizens” against an imagined alien criminal class2 and planting the idea that German citizens need to be protected from this dangerous group. While incidents of violence involving knives do occur, their political weaponization —often against the wishes of victims‘ families3—serves to justify expanded control over racialized groups. Stuart Hall and others argue that manufacturing moral panics around “crime waves” channels societal anxieties about economic, social, and moral decline and helps the state reassert control in times of crisis.4

The knife crime narrative is used to justify ever tougher policies that impact migrants and racialized people more broadly, and is often advanced for electoral gain. On a policy level, responses to moral panics around knife attacks illustrate the conflation of migration and violent crime and how punitive measures against migrants are framed as crime prevention. The so-called security package (Sicherheitspaket), passed in response to the August 2024 attack in Solingen includes not only an expansion of police powers in majority-migrant neighborhoods but also restrictions on public benefits for asylum seekers. The package also includes weapon prohibition zones (Waffenverbotszonen), areas where possession of a knife is banned and punished with a hefty fine. These zones are first being implemented in areas where racist policing is already the norm. Cities are designating areas in migrantized neighborhoods as Waffenverbotszonen, often overlapping with so-called crime hotspots (kriminalitätsbelastete Orte) where police have the authority to conduct searches without concrete suspicion. Weapon prohibition zones provide cover for even more racial profiling in these communities. Amid populist outrage over the Aschaffenburg knife attack, across the spectrum politicians called for increased migration detention, deportations, swift incarceration, and heightened surveillance of migrants, mainstreaming carceral measures against migrants in the name of public safety.

Over the last years, law enforcement has been working to establish “knife crime” as a separate category of analysis, though what falls into this category is vaguely defined. For one, the term does not line up with how offenses are defined under the law. Knife crime may include a range of offenses involving a weapon, from assault to robbery to mere threats.5 Though knife attacks have been tracked in the police’s crime statistics as a separate category since 2020, jurisdictions have differed in what offenses were logged this way, so that data is unclear and cannot say much about any increase in knife-related offenses.6 Having identified a “trend” (Phänomenbereich) like “knife crime”, states typically publish reports (Lageberichte) on the development of crime trends which replicate the problems with police-recorded crime statistics and reinforce the idea that “knife crime” requires special attention.7

This way, police-identified trends like “clan crime” and “knife attacks” feed law enforcement agencies’ justifications for focusing surveillance and stop-and-search efforts on racialized communities, generating higher arrest rates, which in turn feeds the racist idea that certain groups are more prone to criminality.8 Media reporting on “crime trends” treats police data as a neutral source, rarely contextualizing that the disproportionate policing of racialized groups results in a disproportionate representation of racialized people in the system. Instead, reporting on “crime trends” amplifies general suspicion against migrantized communities. This cyclical logic—where racist policing creates the very statistics that justify further racist policing—is central to migrant crime discourses.

The reality of crimes involving knives looks very different from the sensationalized images in the press. For starters, overall crime and many offenses in violent crime are down in Germany over the long term.9 Contrary to fearmongering narratives, Germany ranks among the lowest numbers of homicide caused by knives in the European region.10 Secondly, as scholars have also noted in the context of the yearly reporting hype around police crime data, public perceptions of what an offense means is not always in line with the reality of the variety of incidents that get counted as a particular offense.11 For example, in a large portion of the charges counted under this phenomenon no physical harm is caused.12 Yet in public perception of the issue, “knife attacks” are equated with murder attempts or even deadly terror attacks, often because this is the context in which media reporting tends to cover the issue, particularly when the suspect is racialized.13

The fear and resulting call for securitization that this narrative creates do not reflect the reality of harm caused by violent behavior and tough-on-crime policies. While the white majority is led to believe that they should be concerned about becoming victims of a knife attack, in reality it is racialized people who are over-represented among the victims.14 These victims however, cannot expect safety or support from an institution that systematically criminalizes them.15 This is especially true when victims are themselves at risk of being charged with a crime, which is often the case when people are at risk of deportation, are unhoused or use drugs. Yet debates on “rising crime” often invoke a subjective sense of safety (Sicherheitsgefühl) that centers on white Germans’ perception – while disregarding the violence criminalized groups face daily.16

In court, we observe how Germany’s focus on knife crime both escalates the sentencing of racialized defendants and contributes to the criminalization of migrantized victims. As a project that documents systemic racism in the everyday work of the punishment system, we initially documented this process in “mass offenses” such as cases that make up a large portion of criminal proceedings, such as cases of theft or drug cases; although we have also observed trials for more serious offenses. In some cases, racial profiling leads to additional knife possession charges for people who are initially stopped for minor offenses.17 Even when unrelated to the main charge, the mere possession of a knife results in significantly harsher sentences and routinely prompts a judicial reprimand on the supposed immorality and recklessness of carrying a weapon.18

Alongside legal arguments for imposing harsher sentences in cases involving weapons, judges justify their decisions by invoking racist stereotypes that portray migrants as inherently dangerous. For example, judges connect people in possession of a knife with being part of “the wrong crowd”, jumping to conclusions about the level of defendants’ engagement in organized crime.19 The real and often pragmatic reasons why people living in precarious environments sometimes carry knives are not contextualized. Knives are not just weapons but practical tools, often found among the belongings of people without permanent housing alongside other daily necessities.

As we observed, racialized victims of offenses involving a knife are also held responsible for being in the “wrong place” or accused of being involved with a “criminal milieu”, accusations which reveal the limitations of the court doing justice for racialized victims.20 If victims are unable to participate in incriminating the defendant, they are deemed “non-compliant”. If they fail to appear in court, they face fines and police-enforced summons to testify. Their value in the judicial process is reduced to their usefulness in securing a conviction, while their needs—such as access to counseling, healthcare, compensation, or reconciliation—are systematically disregarded and structurally excluded from the procedure. Ultimately, this shows that the panic around “knife crime” has very little to do with creating safety for all or addressing violence. This manufactured panic is a political weapon, wielded to justify authoritarian policies targeting racialized and poor communities.

Citations

  • 1

    In a 2018 Bundestag speech, Alice Weidel of the AfD spoke derogatorily about “burkas, headscarf-girls, and alimented knife-men,“ tapping into racist tropes promoted by her party. See ‘AfD löst Tumulte im Bundestag aus’ (dw, 16.05.2018) <https://www.dw.com/de/afd-fraktionschefin-l%C3%B6st-tumulte-im-bundestag-aus/a-43802627>. Since then, the AfD has also put forward multiple parliamentary requests to prove the alleged point, including demanding to know the most common first names of suspects (e.g. written request to the Berlin House of Representatives - Drucksache 19 / 14 883 2023). See also: ‘Der häufigste Vorname bei Messer-Angriffen in Berlin: Christian!’ (Volksverpetzer, 22.02.2023) <https://www.volksverpetzer.de/aktuelles/achtung-vor-christian/>.

  • 2

    Elaine Williams and Peter Squires, Rethinking Knife Crime: Policing, Violence and Moral Panic? (Springer 2021).

  • 3

    ‘Angehörige warnen vor Instrumentalisierung und Hass’ (Tagesschau, 16.02.2025) <https://www.tagesschau.de/inland/muenchen-brief-angehoerige-100.html>.

  • 4

    Stuart Hall, Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John Clarke and Brian Roberts, Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, and Law and Order (Macmillan 1978).

  • 5

    Fabio Ghelli and Donata Hasselmann, ‘Messerkriminalität: Welche Rolle Spielt Die Nationalität?’ (Mediendienst Integration, 14.01.2025) <https://mediendienst-integration.de/artikel/messerkriminalitaet-welche-rolle-spielt-die-nationalitaet.html>.

  • 6

    Jonas Miller, ‘#Faktenfuchs: Warum die Messerangriff-Zahlen intransparent sind’ (BR24, 15.09.2023) <https://www.br.de/nachrichten/wissen/faktenfuchs-warum-die-messerangriff-zahlen-intransparent-sind,TpdrehK>.

  • 7

    For how this process works in the case of a similar phenomenon, namely “clan crime,” see Michèle Winkler and Levi Sauer, ‘„Clankriminalität" in Lagebildern - Unklare Definitionen, Eindeutiger Rassismus’ (Bürgerrechte & Polizei/CILIP 12.08.2022) <https://www.cilip.de/2022/08/12/clankriminalitaet-in-lagebildern-unklare-definitionen-eindeutiger-rassismus/>.

  • 8

    Mohammed Ali Chahrour, Levi Sauer, Lina Schmid, Jorinde Schulz, Michèle Winkler (eds), Generalverdacht: Wie mit dem Mythos Clankriminalität Politik gemacht wird (Nautilus 2023).

  • 9

    The federal data shows that the number of suspects registered by the police for crime overall and many violent offenses peaked in the 1990s. See ‘T01 Grundtabelle - Fälle ab 1987 (V1.0)’ in PKS 2023 – Zeitreihen (Bundeskriminalamt 2024) <https://www.bka.de>.

  • 10

    European report on preventing violence and knife crime among young people (World Health Organization 2010).

  • 11

    Lenz Jakobsen and Tobias Singelnstein, ‘"Es ist bizarr, wie die Zahlen überinterpretiert werden"’ (Zeit, 07.04.2024) <https://www.zeit.de/gesellschaft/zeitgeschehen/2024-04/kriminalstatistik-kriminologie-tobias-singelstein-gewalt#:~:text=Singelnstein%3A%20Die%20PKS%20ist%20ein,sehen%20kann%20und%20erfassen%20will>.

  • 12

    According to the police’s crime statistics (PKS) published in 2024, 43,3 % of offenses counted in the “knife attack” phenomenon are threats rather than physical attacks and another 2,4 % relate to “other offenses” such as resisting arrest and coercion (Nötigung) (Polizeiliche Kriminalstatistik 2024: Ausgewählte Zahlen im Überblick, p.20). In the footnote they further elaborate: “Statements on suspects are not possible on this basis, since in a case of assault reflecting the ‘knife attack phenomenon,’ for example, unarmed suspects may also be recorded in addition to the suspect(s) threatening or acting with a knife. Up to and including the reporting year 2023, the data was only valid to a limited extent and was therefore only published in selected offense areas.”

  • 13

    See, for example, Sven Kochale and Frank Asbrock, ‘Kriminalforscher: Warum sich Kriminalstatistiken und Sicherheitsgefühl unterscheiden können’ (mdr, 09.12.2024) <https://www.mdr.de/nachrichten/deutschland/gesellschaft/kriminalitaet-statistik-sicherheit-grenzkontrollen-migration-100.html>; and Thomas Hestermann, ‘Expertise: Wie Medien über Messerangriffe berichten’ (Mediendienst Integration 2023/2025).

  • 14

    According to the victim tables published alongside the police’s crime statistics (PKS), victims without German citizenship are significantly overrepresented in areas like “violent crime”. In 2024, this group made up almost 35% of all victims in this category (see ‘T911 Opfer nach Staatsangehörigkeit (V1.0)’ <https://www.bka.de>). Not counted are migrantized people with citizenship, and the real number of racialized victims is likely much higher due to underreporting stemming from lack of trust in the police.

  • 15

    See, for example, Eben Louw, ‘Erfahrungen von Opfern rassistischer Taten mit der Justiz’ in Rassistische Straftaten erkennen und verhandeln: Ein Reader für die Strafjustiz (Deutsches Institut für Menschenrechte 2023).

  • 16

    For a local analysis of this dynamic in Berlin’s Kottbusser Tor neighborhood, see Gegenbericht zum Jahresbericht der Berliner Polizei zu den sogenannten “kriminalitätsbelasteten Orten” vom 22.07.2022 (Ihr Seid Keine Sicherheit 2023) <https://jimdo-storage.global.ssl.fastly.net/file/4672070c-fcbd-4a71-bb4d-3d0ec43c5cb7/Gegenbericht_ISKS_15032023.pdf>.

  • 17

    Case 3

  • 18

    Case 26

  • 19

    Case 28

  • 20

    Case 24

Cases from our archive

Case 25

Without a defendant or a lawyer present, the court issues a summary proceedings order, sentencing someone by mail for theft. The prosecution pushes for a harsh punishment and for retaining the charge “theft with a weapon” despite limited evidence of a weapon being present and without obtaining more evidence. Though the judge disagrees with the prosecution's original recommendation for a prison sentence, they sentence the defendant to a high fine of more than 1,300 Euros for stealing food.

Knife Panic
Criminalizing Poverty
Fine
Theft

Case 27

Shortly after a wave of populist outrage over a knife attack, a man convicted of attempted assault with a weapon based on little evidence appeals his sentence. At the appeal hearing, the environment is hostile, with the recent knife panic in the air: the defense is hindered from questioning witnesses while the judge and prosecutor cherry-pick testimony in an effort to justify continuing to jail the defendant pretrial, which would also facilitate his deportation. Even after a second appeal hearing does not reveal evidence sufficient to convict, the judge and prosecution insist on a high prison sentence, just two months short of his original one. The defendant is released after the second hearing because he has already served his sentence in pretrial detention.

Knife Panic
Enforcing Borders
Prison
Assault

Case 24

The court hears a case in which a young man is accused of multiple charges, including drug, assault, and robbery charges, some of which involve a knife. After 6 hearings, mostly consisting of taking evidence from police witnesses, the young man is sentenced to prison and mandatory drug treatment for a total of almost 7 years. The court does not take into account victims’ actual needs: victims are instead asked leading questions to support a harsh punishment and are ridiculed by the court. The structural context of the defendant’s actions is largely absent from the proceedings.

Knife Panic
Racist Policing
Prison
Assault
Drug Offense
Other Offenses

Case 3

A young, migrantized man is held in pretrial detention for four months and is ultimately convicted, based on his confession, of stealing a pack of cigarettes and a lighter. The judge sentences him to time served, making him ineligible for reparations for his lengthy pretrial detention.

Racist Policing
Knife Panic
Criminalizing Poverty
Prison
Theft